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Justus Schwab

Radgeek — Wed, 16 May 2012 20:52:29 GMT

About:

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	== About ==		== About ==
-	=== New York ''Times'' ===	+	=== New York ''Times'' (1874) ===

	From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass-Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in the New York ''Times'', January 14, 1874.		From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass-Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in the New York ''Times'', January 14, 1874.

	: Capt. Walsh, with Sergts. Cass and Berghold and twenty-two men, made for the largest crowd, assembled round a banner inscribed "The Tenth Ward Working Men's Organization," and here there was a fray, in which Sergt. Berghold had his head broken, and his assailants fared no better. They told their stories afterward at the Sventeenth Precinct Station-house, corner of Fifth street and Second avenue, where they were conveyed, and at which thenceforward the interest centered. [[Christian Meyer]], who struck the Sergeant, confessed his misdeeds with much <span lang="fr">naivete</span>, as he was sitting with head bandaged and a broken wrist in a sling in the officers' quarters. He said he was a painter by trade, belonging to an association with 3,000 members; that there were about 100 of them only present; that every one was armed in some way, his own weapon being a claw-hammer, with a thong to put his hand through; and that they had orders not to fight unless they were attacked. The Sergeant pushed him, so he obeyed orders and hit the Sergeant. [[Justus Schwab]], another captive, who wore a red flag around his waist, said his father had served four years' imprisonment for riot at Frankfort, Germany: that he had been four years and eight months in the country, and fourteen weeks out of work. He thought every man should defend the State, and that the State should provide for every man. He thought the working men would triumph, and commenced to sing the <cite class="article">[[Wikipedia:Marseillaise\|Marseillaise]],</cite> a performance which was checked. On [[Joseph Hoefflicher\|Hofflicher]], another leader, was found a somewhat elaborate Communistic badge. The vicinity of the station-house for several blocks was thronged until quite late in the afternoon, and in the Bowery as far down as Canal street, knots of men were gathered on the corners as late as 2 o'clock, waiting for the procession. In the vicinity of the Seventeenth Precinct Station-house the task of dispersing the multitude kept the officers well employed. There were incessant skirmishes in which clubs were judiciously applied with seasonable but not excessive severity, and prisoners were continually being brought in. The scrambles of the mob as the officers advanced were not unamusing; in fact, it seemed as if they rather enjoyed the exercise. The housetops and windows for blocks were crowded with patient spectators. . .		: Capt. Walsh, with Sergts. Cass and Berghold and twenty-two men, made for the largest crowd, assembled round a banner inscribed "The Tenth Ward Working Men's Organization," and here there was a fray, in which Sergt. Berghold had his head broken, and his assailants fared no better. They told their stories afterward at the Sventeenth Precinct Station-house, corner of Fifth street and Second avenue, where they were conveyed, and at which thenceforward the interest centered. [[Christian Meyer]], who struck the Sergeant, confessed his misdeeds with much <span lang="fr">naivete</span>, as he was sitting with head bandaged and a broken wrist in a sling in the officers' quarters. He said he was a painter by trade, belonging to an association with 3,000 members; that there were about 100 of them only present; that every one was armed in some way, his own weapon being a claw-hammer, with a thong to put his hand through; and that they had orders not to fight unless they were attacked. The Sergeant pushed him, so he obeyed orders and hit the Sergeant. [[Justus Schwab]], another captive, who wore a red flag around his waist, said his father had served four years' imprisonment for riot at Frankfort, Germany: that he had been four years and eight months in the country, and fourteen weeks out of work. He thought every man should defend the State, and that the State should provide for every man. He thought the working men would triumph, and commenced to sing the <cite class="article">[[Wikipedia:Marseillaise\|Marseillaise]],</cite> a performance which was checked. On [[Joseph Hoefflicher\|Hofflicher]], another leader, was found a somewhat elaborate Communistic badge. The vicinity of the station-house for several blocks was thronged until quite late in the afternoon, and in the Bowery as far down as Canal street, knots of men were gathered on the corners as late as 2 o'clock, waiting for the procession. In the vicinity of the Seventeenth Precinct Station-house the task of dispersing the multitude kept the officers well employed. There were incessant skirmishes in which clubs were judiciously applied with seasonable but not excessive severity, and prisoners were continually being brought in. The scrambles of the mob as the officers advanced were not unamusing; in fact, it seemed as if they rather enjoyed the exercise. The housetops and windows for blocks were crowded with patient spectators. . .
		+
		+	=== New York ''Times'' (1900) ===

	From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/10/justus-schwab-mourned-anarchists-forget-their-differences-at-his-funeral-in-the-new-york-times-december-21-1900/ "Justus Schwab Mourned: Anarchists Forget Their Differences at His Funeral,"] in the New York ''Times'', December 21, 1900.		From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/10/justus-schwab-mourned-anarchists-forget-their-differences-at-his-funeral-in-the-new-york-times-december-21-1900/ "Justus Schwab Mourned: Anarchists Forget Their Differences at His Funeral,"] in the New York ''Times'', December 21, 1900.
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	:		:
	: [. . .] In 1882 Schwab became interim editor of ''Freiheit'' whilst [[Wikipedia:Johann Most\|Most]] was travelling from Europe to the USA. He remained a close associate of Most for years, formally introducing him to the Club at his first appearance before an American audience. However in 1886 he fell out with Most over the scam organised by several anarchists to insure their tenements and then to claim after setting fire to them. Several were arrested and sentenced. This caused a rift in the German movement with Most refusing to denounce the fire-raisers. Schwab, always a morally upright man, refused to back Most and he was then called a coward by him, and his followers now boycotted the saloon. As Schwab wrote to another anarchist Robert Reitzel, “the means must not desecrate the end”.		: [. . .] In 1882 Schwab became interim editor of ''Freiheit'' whilst [[Wikipedia:Johann Most\|Most]] was travelling from Europe to the USA. He remained a close associate of Most for years, formally introducing him to the Club at his first appearance before an American audience. However in 1886 he fell out with Most over the scam organised by several anarchists to insure their tenements and then to claim after setting fire to them. Several were arrested and sentenced. This caused a rift in the German movement with Most refusing to denounce the fire-raisers. Schwab, always a morally upright man, refused to back Most and he was then called a coward by him, and his followers now boycotted the saloon. As Schwab wrote to another anarchist Robert Reitzel, “the means must not desecrate the end”.
		+
		+	=== Tom Goyens, in ''Germany and the Americas'' (2005) ===
		+
		+	From Tom Goyens, "Schwab, Justus H.," in ''Germany and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History'', Vol. 3: O-Z. Ed. Thomas Adam. Santa Barbara, Cali.: ABC-CLIO. 957-958.
		+
		+	: <h4>Schwab, Justus H.</h4>
		+	: '''b. (?) 1847; Frankfurt am Main'''
		+	: '''d. December 18, 1900; New York City'''
		+	:
		+	: German American saloonkeeper who, from 1870 until his death, played a pivotal role in New York's Socialist and anarchist movements. Schwab was an imposing man, broad shouldered with curly blonde hair and a stentorian voice. A friend once described him as a "Viking," a figure too large for his cozy little tavern. Another characterized him as a muscular fellow with an enormous appetite, a sense of humor, and a popular joviality befitting a southern German.
		+	:
		+	: Schwab was the son of a Forty-Eighter who had served four years in prison for rioting against the Prussians. The young Schwab learned the masonry trade and possibly participated in the late 1860s labor movement in Germany. He immigrated to New York in May 1869 and joined the German section of the International Workingmen's Association. Difficult economic times during the 1870s led unemployed workers to demand public assistance from city authorities. Schwab participated in the protests, believing a government should be run by and for the workers. In January 1874, for example, he marched together with thousands of the unemployed in [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|a demonstration in Tompkins Square that was ultimately violently dispersed by police officers]]. Schwab was promptly arrested and accused of inciting to riot and "waving a red flag."
		+	:
		+	: Sometime after these events, Schwab married and had four children. It is at this time that he opened a corner saloon on 50 First Street in the heart of Little Germany. This saloon would become a prominent bohemian meeting place for French communards, Russian revolutionaries, German anarchists, and American artists and was well known throughout the Lower East Side. Inevitably, Schwab's cafe became a target for police and antisaloon leaguers. Twice, in 1876 and 1877, he was arrested for selling lager beer on Sunday and for disorderly conduct, but was released each time.
		+	:
		+	: In 1879 Schwab was still a prominent member of the New York section of the [[Wikipedia:Socialist Labor Party of America\|Socialist Labor Party]], but by 1880 he strongly opposed the party's hierarchy and reformism. Expelled as a dissident, Schwab became a leader of a group of antistatist Socialists. In October 1881 he was chosen as a delegate for New York at the Chicago convention of social revolutionaries. In 1882 Schwab was instrumental in moving ''Freiheit'', the London radical paper edited by [[Wikipedia:Johann Most\|Johann Most]], to New York. The two men remained close friends until 1886, when Schwab broke with Most because of his involvement with arsonists. His saloon, however, remained an important hub of radical activities, frequented by such luminaries as [[Wikipedia:Emma Goldman\|Emma Goldman]] and [[Wikipedia:Ambrose Bierce\|Ambrose Bierce]].
		+	:
		+	: Aside from providing a space for countercultural groups, [[Justus Schwab\|Schwab]] himself remained active in the movement. He contributed to legal defense funds for anarchists and free speech campaigns. He was also a member of the Internationale Arbeiter-Lindertafel, a popular German anarchist musical society in New York.
		+	:
		+	: <p style="text-align: right"><em>Tom Goyens</em></p>
		+	:
		+	: '''''See also''''' Anarchists; Forty-Eighters; Most, Johann; New York City; Socialist Labor Party
		+	:
		+	: '''References and Further Reading'''
		+	: "Defense of Justus Schwab." ''Outlook'' 48 (November 25, 1893).
		+	: Goldman, Emma. ''Living My Life''. 2 vols. London and New York: Knopf, 1931.
		+	: Lynch, Denis Tilden. ''The Wild Seventies''. New York and London: Appleton-Century, 1941.

	== Mentions ==		== Mentions ==

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John T. Elliott

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 13:56:56 GMT

The Samuel Gompers Papers (1991):

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-	[[John T. Elliott]] (also spelled '''John T. Elliot''') was a labor organizer active in New York City in the late 19th century. He was a founding member of the English-speaking sections of the [[Wikipedia:First International\|First International]] in the United States. In the conflict over [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] and Section 12's membership in the International, Elliott sided with the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] faction against [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx\|Karl Marx]]. He was a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] in New York during the unemployed workers' movement in 1873-1874. He ~~was~~ also a ~~founder of~~ the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]], and served as general secretary-treasurer of the union from 1887 to 1900.	+	[[John T. Elliott]] (1836-1902), also spelled '''John T. Elliot''', was a labor organizer active in Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York City in the late 19th century. He was a founding member of the English-speaking sections of the [[Wikipedia:First International\|First International]] in the United States. In the conflict over [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] and Section 12's membership in the International, Elliott sided with the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] faction against [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx\|Karl Marx]]. He was a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] in New York during the unemployed workers' movement in 1873-1874. He served as an organizer for the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights of Labor]] in Baltimore; later, in Baltimore, he also took a major role in founding the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]], and served as general secretary-treasurer of the union from 1887 to 1900.

	== About ==		== About ==
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	: My trip to Washington is to appear before the committee on Labor on all our Bills; at the same time to appear before the National League of Musicians, which holds their convention there, on the 9th and urge affiliation. In Baltimore, a conference with [[John T. Elliott\|Elliott]]<sup>3</sup> on the Painters' trouble.		: My trip to Washington is to appear before the committee on Labor on all our Bills; at the same time to appear before the National League of Musicians, which holds their convention there, on the 9th and urge affiliation. In Baltimore, a conference with [[John T. Elliott\|Elliott]]<sup>3</sup> on the Painters' trouble.

-	~~Footnote on a letter from [[Wikipedia:Samuel Gompers\|Samuel Gompers]] to [[Wikipedia:John O~~'~~Sullivan\|John O'Sullivan]], March 28, 1896. Repritned in~~ ''The Samuel Gompers Papers~~, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98~~''~~, Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois.~~ 1991~~. 145n3.~~	+	=== '''The Samuel Gompers Papers''' (1991) ===

-	: 3. [[John T. Elliott\|John T. <span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elliott</span>]] served as general secretary-treasurer of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America\|Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators]] (after 1899, Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers) of America from 1887 ~~tro~~ 1900.	+	Footnote on a newspaper column, "The Labor Convention," December 11, 1895. Reprinted in ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98'', Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois. 1991. 84n7.
		+
		+	: 7. In 1894 the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America\|BPDA]] split into two factions. [[James H. Sullivan]] was associated with the one led by [[John T. Elliott]], which remained headquartered in Baltimore. The other, let by [[Joseph W. McKinney]], was headquartered in Lafayette, Ind. The 1894 [[Wikipedia:American Federation of Labor\|AFL]] convention seated delegates from both groups, but the AFL Executive Council voted in February 1895 to recognize only the eastern faction. The split continued until 1900, when the two divisions amalgamated.
		+
		+	Footnote on a letter from [[Wikipedia:Samuel Gompers\|Samuel Gompers]] to [[Wikipedia:John O'Sullivan\|John O'Sullivan]], March 28, 1896. Reprinted in ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98'', Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois. 1991. 145n3.
		+
		+	: 3. [[John T. Elliott\|John T. <span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elliott</span>]] served as general secretary-treasurer of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America\|Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators]] (after 1899, Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers) of America from 1887 to 1900.
		+
		+	From "Glossary," in ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98'', Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois. 1991. 523-524.
		+
		+	: [[John T. Elliott\|<span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elliott</span>, John T.]] (1836-1902), a founder of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]] (BPDA), was born in Baltimore. Following the Civil War he moved to Philadelphia and joined the [[Wikipedia:International Workingmen's Association\|International Workingmen's Association]] (IWA). The IWA General Council in New York City elected him U.S. general secretary for 1871-72, and this brought him actively into socialist and reform politics and relief efforts in the city during the depression of the 1870s. He was involved in organizing the Grand Lodge of Painters of America in 1871, the first national painters' union, which lasted until 1876.
		+	:
		+	: Returning to Baltimore in 1879, Elliott organized [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|KOL]] Local Assembly 1466 and served as secretary of District Assembly 41. He resigned from the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights]] in 1882 and in 1887 helped organize the BPDA and was elected general secretary-treasurer. Elliott presided over the BPDA (after 1899, the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers of America) during years of factionalism, in which the painters divided into two groups. Elliott's eastern faction based in Baltimore, and a western faction headquartered in Lafayette, Ind. Poor health forced him to retire in 1900.

	=== ''The Painter and Decorator'' (1914) ===		=== ''The Painter and Decorator'' (1914) ===

John F. O'Sullivan (1857-1902)

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 13:43:51 GMT

Created page with 'John F. O'Sullivan (1857-1902) (1857-1902) was a Boston journalist and labor organizer. == ''The Samuel Gompers Papers'' (1991) == From ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 4…'

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[[John F. O'Sullivan (1857-1902)|John F. O'Sullivan]] (1857-1902) was a Boston journalist and labor organizer.

== ''The Samuel Gompers Papers'' (1991) ==

From ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Vol. 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98.'' United States: University of Illinois. 542-543.

: [[John F. O'Sullivan (1857-1902)|<span style="font-variant: small-caps">O'Sullivan,</span> John F.]] (1857-1902), a Boston journalist and labor organizer, was born in Charlestown, Mass. He wrote on labor for the ''Boston Labor Leader'' and ''Boston Herald'' before joining the ''[[Wikipedia:Boston Globe|Boston Globe]]'' in 1890 as a reporter and labor editor. In the late 1880s he became active in organizing sailors, serving as treasurer of the Boston sailors' union. He was president of the International Amalgamated Sailors' and Firemen's Union from 1889 to 1891, and of the Atlantic Coast Seamen's Union from its founding in 1891 until his death. He was active in the Boston Central Labor Union and served two terms as its president in the early 1890s. He was also active in the Massachussetts Federation of Labor as a member of the legislative committee. In 1894 he married Mary Kenney. O'Sullivan was secretary of Newspaper Writers' Union 1 of Boston from 1896 until his death and served the International Typographical Union as an organizer and as a vice-president (1897-1902).

John T. Elliott

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 13:34:32 GMT

Samuel Gompers (1896):

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-	[[John T. Elliott]] (also spelled '''John T. Elliot''') was a labor organizer active in New York City in the late 19th century. He was ~~a founder of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]], and~~ a founding member of the English-speaking sections of the [[Wikipedia:First International\|First International]] in the United States. In the conflict over [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] and Section 12's membership in the International, Elliott sided with the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] faction against [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx\|Karl Marx]].	+	[[John T. Elliott]] (also spelled '''John T. Elliot''') was a labor organizer active in New York City in the late 19th century. He was a founding member of the English-speaking sections of the [[Wikipedia:First International\|First International]] in the United States. In the conflict over [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] and Section 12's membership in the International, Elliott sided with the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull\|Victoria Woodhull]] faction against [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx\|Karl Marx]]. He was a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] in New York during the unemployed workers' movement in 1873-1874. He was also a founder of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]], and served as general secretary-treasurer of the union from 1887 to 1900.

	== About ==		== About ==
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	: The first international societies established in America were started in 1868-9 among the Germans in the City of New-York. In 1870 two French sections were organized, but it was not until the 1st of March, 1871, that Americans took up the idea, and began the formation of sections, the first American section being No. 9. At that time there were two French, two Irish, and four German sections, aggregating nearly 2,000 members. Among the founders of section No. 9 were [[Ira Davis]], [[J. W. Gregory]], [[Theodore S. Banks]], [[George R. Allen]], [[Leander Thompson]], [[G. W. Maddox]], [[John Halbert]], [[John T. Elliott]] and others, who became subsequently, and have continued more or less identified with the cause. Davis and Gregory are dead, but the others are all enjoying the dole of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which the Constitution of the United States generously vouches to all who come within its purview. The only difference between them and ordinary citizens is perhaps that while they have enough of life they desire a little more liberty and a shorter route to the attainment of happiness than that over which it has been so long "pursued" and so rarely overtaken. Every member of the sections established was an artisan or a mechanic, or at least was engaged in a skilled industrial avocation, and section No. 9 in a few weeks enrolled about 200 members.		: The first international societies established in America were started in 1868-9 among the Germans in the City of New-York. In 1870 two French sections were organized, but it was not until the 1st of March, 1871, that Americans took up the idea, and began the formation of sections, the first American section being No. 9. At that time there were two French, two Irish, and four German sections, aggregating nearly 2,000 members. Among the founders of section No. 9 were [[Ira Davis]], [[J. W. Gregory]], [[Theodore S. Banks]], [[George R. Allen]], [[Leander Thompson]], [[G. W. Maddox]], [[John Halbert]], [[John T. Elliott]] and others, who became subsequently, and have continued more or less identified with the cause. Davis and Gregory are dead, but the others are all enjoying the dole of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which the Constitution of the United States generously vouches to all who come within its purview. The only difference between them and ordinary citizens is perhaps that while they have enough of life they desire a little more liberty and a shorter route to the attainment of happiness than that over which it has been so long "pursued" and so rarely overtaken. Every member of the sections established was an artisan or a mechanic, or at least was engaged in a skilled industrial avocation, and section No. 9 in a few weeks enrolled about 200 members.

-	=== ''The Painter and Decorator'' ===	+	=== Samuel Gompers (1896) ===
		+
		+	From a letter from [[Wikipedia:Samuel Gompers\|Samuel Gompers]] to [[John F. O'Sullivan (1857-1902)\|John O'Sullivan]], March 28, 1896. Repritned in ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98'', Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois. 1991. 144.
		+
		+	: My trip to Washington is to appear before the committee on Labor on all our Bills; at the same time to appear before the National League of Musicians, which holds their convention there, on the 9th and urge affiliation. In Baltimore, a conference with [[John T. Elliott\|Elliott]]<sup>3</sup> on the Painters' trouble.
		+
		+	Footnote on a letter from [[Wikipedia:Samuel Gompers\|Samuel Gompers]] to [[Wikipedia:John O'Sullivan\|John O'Sullivan]], March 28, 1896. Repritned in ''The Samuel Gompers Papers, Volume 4: A National Labor Movement Takes Shape, 1895-98'', Ed. Stuart B. Kaufman, Peter J. Albert, and Grace Palladino. United States: University of Illinois. 1991. 145n3.
		+
		+	: 3. [[John T. Elliott\|John T. <span style="font-variant: small-caps">Elliott</span>]] served as general secretary-treasurer of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America\|Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators]] (after 1899, Painters, Decorators, and Paperhangers) of America from 1887 tro 1900.
		+
		+	=== ''The Painter and Decorator'' (1914) ===

	From "The Painter and Decorator," Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (February, 1914), "... published monthly at LaFayette, Ind. by the [[Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America]]." 84.		From "The Painter and Decorator," Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (February, 1914), "... published monthly at LaFayette, Ind. by the [[Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America]]." 84.

	: [[John T. Elliott\|John T. Elliot]], the founder of the Brotherhood, sleeps in an unmarked grave. The Rochester General Assembly decided that in respect to his memory and in recognition of his service in the cause of trade unionism a monument should be erected upon his resting place. The request for a free-will offering will be sent out in April.		: [[John T. Elliott\|John T. Elliot]], the founder of the Brotherhood, sleeps in an unmarked grave. The Rochester General Assembly decided that in respect to his memory and in recognition of his service in the cause of trade unionism a monument should be erected upon his resting place. The request for a free-will offering will be sent out in April.

Main Page

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 05:23:02 GMT

People with pages in progress:

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	* [[James Montgomery]]		* [[James Montgomery]]
	* [[Henry John Nelson]]		* [[Henry John Nelson]]
		+	* [[Mary Norris]]
	* [[Wesley Norris]]		* [[Wesley Norris]]
	* [[Natasha Notkin]]		* [[Natasha Notkin]]

Mary Norris

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 05:12:40 GMT

New page

[[Mary Norris]] was a black Virginian. In 1857, Norris and her family, who had been enslaved by [[Wikipedia:George Washington Parke Custis|George Washington Parke Custis]] on Arlington Plantation, came under the control of [[Wikipedia:Robert E. Lee|Robert E. Lee]], the son-in-law of Custis and the executor of his estate. [http://www.nathanielturner.com/willofgeorgewashingtonparkecustis.htm Custis's will] provided that the 200 people he had enslaved should be freed once his white granddaughters had been paid and his estates cleared of debts, to be completed within no more than 5 years from his death. Many of the slaves, including Norris, had been given to understand by Custis that they would be freed immediately; meanwhile, Lee misrepresented the terms of the will to say that the slaves would be freed after a fixed term of 5 more years' enslavement.

Many of Custis's former slaves felt that they were being deceived and that Lee intended to cheat them of their freedom. In June 1859, Mary Norris, together with her brother [[Wesley Norris]], and a cousin of theirs, escaped from Arlington Plantation and headed north towards Pennsylvania. They were captured by slave-hunters in Maryland, near the border with Pennsylvania; after their capture, the Norrises were imprisoned, and forced back to Arlington, where Lee had them taken into a barn, tied to a post, and whipped by the county constable, and then had their backs washed with brine to rub salt into the wounds. A pair of anonymous letters were printed in the ''New York Tribune'' (one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/19/letters/a-citizen signed "A Citizen"] and one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/21/letters/some-facts-that-should-come-to-light signed "A"]) giving garbled third-hand accounts of the events, claiming (among other things) that Lee had the captives taken to a barn to be whipped by an officer, but that, when the officer refused to whip a woman, Lee himself stripped off Ms. Norris's clothes off and whipped her. In his biography ''The Making of Robert E. Lee'' (2000), Michael Fellman writes that:

: Enlightened [''sic''] masters in the upper South often sent their rebellious slaves to jail, where the sheriff would whip them, presumably dispassionately, rather than apply whippings themselves. [...] That Lee ''personally'' beat Mary Norris seems extremely unlikely, and yet slavery was so violent that it cast all masters in the roles of potential brutes. Stories such as this had been popularized early in the 1850s by [[Wikipedia:Harriet Beecher Stowe|Harriet Beecher Stowe]] in ''[[Wikipedia:Uncle Tom's Cabin|Uncle Tom's Cabin]]'', and they stung even the most restrained of masters, who understood that kindness alone would have been too indulgent, and corporal punishment (for which Lee substituted the euphemism "firmness") was an intrinsic and necessary part of slave discipline. Although it was supposed to be applied only in a calm and rational manner, overtly physical domination of slaves, unchecked by law, was always brutal and potentially savage.
:
: --Michael Fellman (2000), ''The Making of Robert E. Lee''. New York: Random House. 65-67. Emphasis added.

After the whipping, Mary's brother [[Wesley Norris|Wesley]] and their cousin were both sent to jail for a week and then forced to work on a series of railroad jobs in Virginia and then Alabama. In January 1863, they were sent back up to Richmond, where Norris escaped and made his way through the Union lines, where he was given his freedom. After the end of the Civil War, in April 1866, [[Wesley Norris]] gave [http://fair-use.org/wesley-norris/testimony-of-wesley-norris an interview to the ''National Anti-Slavery Standard''], in which he gave the first first-hand description of the treatment he and his sister received from Lee. According to Wesley Norris, Lee had all three captives stripped to their waists, and whipped by the county constable, Dick Williams, whipping the men 50 times each and Mary Norris 20 times. (According to Norris, Lee "stood by" throughout the whipping, "and frequently enjoinyed Williams to 'lay it on well,'" and then, after the whipping, ordered the overseer to wash all three prisoner's lacerated backs with brine.

== See also ==
* [http://fair-use.org/wesley-norris/testimony-of-wesley-norris Testimony of Wesley Norris], from the ''National Anti-Slavery Standard'', April 14, 1866.
* [http://radgeek.com/gt/2005/01/03/robert-e-lee-owned-slaves-and-defended-slavery/ "Robert E. Lee owned slaves and defended slavery"], from ''Rad Geek People's Daily'' 2005-01-03.
* [http://radgeek.com/gt/2006/02/24/over_my/ Michael Fellman (2000), ''The Making of Robert E. Lee'', with commentary by Charles Johnson, 24 February 2006]

Wesley Norris

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 04:54:45 GMT

← Older revision		Revision as of 04:54, 14 May 2012
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	[[Wesley Norris]] was a black Virginian. In 1857, Norris and his family, who had been enslaved by [[Wikipedia:George Washington Parke Custis\|George Washington Parke Custis]] on Arlington Plantation, came under the control of [[Wikipedia:Robert E. Lee\|Robert E. Lee]], the son-in-law of Custis and the executor of his estate. [http://www.nathanielturner.com/willofgeorgewashingtonparkecustis.htm Custis's will] provided that the 200 people he had enslaved should be freed once his white granddaughters had been paid and his estates cleared of debts, to be completed within no more than 5 years from his death. Many of the slaves, including Norris, had been given to understand by Custis that they would be freed immediately; meanwhile, Lee misrepresented the terms of the will to say that the slaves would be freed after a fixed term of 5 more years' enslavement.		[[Wesley Norris]] was a black Virginian. In 1857, Norris and his family, who had been enslaved by [[Wikipedia:George Washington Parke Custis\|George Washington Parke Custis]] on Arlington Plantation, came under the control of [[Wikipedia:Robert E. Lee\|Robert E. Lee]], the son-in-law of Custis and the executor of his estate. [http://www.nathanielturner.com/willofgeorgewashingtonparkecustis.htm Custis's will] provided that the 200 people he had enslaved should be freed once his white granddaughters had been paid and his estates cleared of debts, to be completed within no more than 5 years from his death. Many of the slaves, including Norris, had been given to understand by Custis that they would be freed immediately; meanwhile, Lee misrepresented the terms of the will to say that the slaves would be freed after a fixed term of 5 more years' enslavement.

-	Many of Custis's former slaves felt that they were being deceived and that Lee intended to cheat them of their freedom. In June 1859, Wesley Norris, together with his sister Mary Norris, and a cousin of theirs, escaped from Arlington Plantation and headed north towards Pennsylvania. They were captured by slave-hunters in Maryland, near the border with Pennsylvania; after their capture, the Norrises imprisoned, and forced back to Arlington, where Lee had them taken into a barn, tied to a post, and whipped by the county constable, and then had their backs washed with brine to rub salt into the wounds. A pair of anonymous letters were printed in the ''New York Tribune'' (one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/19/letters/a-citizen signed "A Citizen"] and one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/21/letters/some-facts-that-should-come-to-light signed "A"]) giving garbled third-hand accounts of the events, claiming that Lee had personally whipped Mary Norris.	+	Many of Custis's former slaves felt that they were being deceived and that Lee intended to cheat them of their freedom. In June 1859, Wesley Norris, together with his sister [[Mary Norris]], and a cousin of theirs, escaped from Arlington Plantation and headed north towards Pennsylvania. They were captured by slave-hunters in Maryland, near the border with Pennsylvania; after their capture, the Norrises imprisoned, and forced back to Arlington, where Lee had them taken into a barn, tied to a post, and whipped by the county constable, and then had their backs washed with brine to rub salt into the wounds. A pair of anonymous letters were printed in the ''New York Tribune'' (one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/19/letters/a-citizen signed "A Citizen"] and one [http://fair-use.org/new-york-tribune/1859/06/21/letters/some-facts-that-should-come-to-light signed "A"]) giving garbled third-hand accounts of the events, claiming that Lee had personally whipped [[Mary Norris]].

	After the whipping, Wesley Norris and his cousin were sent to jail for a week and then forced to work on a series of railroad jobs in Virginia and then Alabama. In January 1863, they were sent back up to Richmond, where Norris escaped and made his way through the Union lines, where he was given his freedom. After the end of the Civil War, he got a job working in the construction of [[Wikipedia:Arlington National Cemetery\|Arlington National Cemetery]]. In April 1866, he gave [http://fair-use.org/wesley-norris/testimony-of-wesley-norris an interview to the ''National Anti-Slavery Standard''], in which he gave the first first-hand description of his treatment by Lee.		After the whipping, Wesley Norris and his cousin were sent to jail for a week and then forced to work on a series of railroad jobs in Virginia and then Alabama. In January 1863, they were sent back up to Richmond, where Norris escaped and made his way through the Union lines, where he was given his freedom. After the end of the Civil War, he got a job working in the construction of [[Wikipedia:Arlington National Cemetery\|Arlington National Cemetery]]. In April 1866, he gave [http://fair-use.org/wesley-norris/testimony-of-wesley-norris an interview to the ''National Anti-Slavery Standard''], in which he gave the first first-hand description of his treatment by Lee.

C. L. James

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 04:51:37 GMT

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	C. L. James was born in [[Wikipedia:Baden-Baden\|Baden-Baden]], Germany in 1846, the son of the British writer and diplomat [[Wikipedia:George Payne Rainsford James\|George Payne Rainsford James]]<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174; [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886.</ref> and [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]].<ref>Identity of mother from [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886; name from '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;''' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130.</ref> He was born while his family was on holiday in Germany (to allow George to do research for his ''History of Richard Couer de Lion''<ref>[http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/james/hallbio.html Samuel Carter Hall, "G. P. R. James,"] in ''A Book of Memories of Great Men and Women of the Age, from Personal Acquaintance''. Available online from VictorianWeb.</ref>). In 1850, his father moved with Charles and the rest of his family to the United States, in order to accept a diplomatic post, first in Massachussets, and then, in 1852, in Norfolk, Virginia.<ref>''Ibid.''</ref>		C. L. James was born in [[Wikipedia:Baden-Baden\|Baden-Baden]], Germany in 1846, the son of the British writer and diplomat [[Wikipedia:George Payne Rainsford James\|George Payne Rainsford James]]<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174; [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886.</ref> and [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]].<ref>Identity of mother from [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886; name from '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;''' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130.</ref> He was born while his family was on holiday in Germany (to allow George to do research for his ''History of Richard Couer de Lion''<ref>[http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/james/hallbio.html Samuel Carter Hall, "G. P. R. James,"] in ''A Book of Memories of Great Men and Women of the Age, from Personal Acquaintance''. Available online from VictorianWeb.</ref>). In 1850, his father moved with Charles and the rest of his family to the United States, in order to accept a diplomatic post, first in Massachussets, and then, in 1852, in Norfolk, Virginia.<ref>''Ibid.''</ref>

-	When G. P. R. James died abroad in 1860,<ref>''Ibid.''</ref> Charles's widowed mother, [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]], settled in [[Wikipedia:Eau Claire, Wisconsin\|Eau Claire]] along with Charles and his brother George.<ref>From Hilda R. Carter and John R. Jenswold (1976), ''The University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire: A History 1916-1976'', University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire Foundation. 30. [[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref> ~~where he~~ worked as an insurance agent and newspaper editor for the ''Argus'', the ''Alma Weekly Express'' and the ''Eau Claire Free Press''.<ref>'''Insurance agent:''' Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53. '''''Argus'':''' ''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;'' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130. '''''Alma Weekly Express'' and ''Eau Claire Free Press'':''' Ada Tyng Griswold, M.L. (1911), "Annotated Catalogue of Newspaper Files in the Library of The State Historical Society of Wisconsin," Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 295, 321.</ref> He married [[Maria C. James]] in 1874<ref>United States Federal Census. Year: 1900; Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T623_1787; Page: 2B; Enumeration District: 28.</ref>; they had three daughters, [[Victoria James]], [[Blanche James]], and [[Frances James]].<ref>[http://search.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/sse.dll?rank=1&new=1&MSAV=0&msT=1&gss=angs-c&gsfn=C+L&gsln=James&msbdy=1846&msrpn__ftp=Eau+Claire&uidh=pm8&=b%2cr%2cy%2c0&_83004003-n_xcl=f&pcat=35&h=712784&recoff=1+2+3&db=WIstatecen&indiv=1# About C L James], Ancestry.com, ''Wisconsin State Censuses 1895 and 1905'' [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc., 2007.'' '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1910;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T624_1710; Page: 3A; Enumeration District: 0054; Image: 299; FHL Number: 1375723. '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1920;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T625_1984; Page: 10B; Enumeration District: 126; Image: 249.</ref>	+	When G. P. R. James died abroad in 1860,<ref>''Ibid.''</ref> Charles's widowed mother, [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]], settled in [[Wikipedia:Eau Claire, Wisconsin\|Eau Claire]] along with Charles and his brother George.<ref>From Hilda R. Carter and John R. Jenswold (1976), ''The University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire: A History 1916-1976'', University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire Foundation. 30. [[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref> In Eau Claire, Charles worked as an insurance agent and newspaper editor for the ''Argus'', the ''Alma Weekly Express'' and the ''Eau Claire Free Press''.<ref>'''Insurance agent:''' Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53. '''''Argus'':''' ''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;'' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130. '''''Alma Weekly Express'' and ''Eau Claire Free Press'':''' Ada Tyng Griswold, M.L. (1911), "Annotated Catalogue of Newspaper Files in the Library of The State Historical Society of Wisconsin," Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 295, 321.</ref> He married [[Maria C. James]] in 1874<ref>United States Federal Census. Year: 1900; Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T623_1787; Page: 2B; Enumeration District: 28.</ref>; they had three daughters, [[Victoria James]], [[Blanche James]], and [[Frances James]].<ref>[http://search.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/sse.dll?rank=1&new=1&MSAV=0&msT=1&gss=angs-c&gsfn=C+L&gsln=James&msbdy=1846&msrpn__ftp=Eau+Claire&uidh=pm8&=b%2cr%2cy%2c0&_83004003-n_xcl=f&pcat=35&h=712784&recoff=1+2+3&db=WIstatecen&indiv=1# About C L James], Ancestry.com, ''Wisconsin State Censuses 1895 and 1905'' [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc., 2007.'' '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1910;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T624_1710; Page: 3A; Enumeration District: 0054; Image: 299; FHL Number: 1375723. '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1920;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T625_1984; Page: 10B; Enumeration District: 126; Image: 249.</ref>

-	~~In Eau Claire,~~ James began writing for newspapers and publishing poems, essays, and pamphlets on [[Wikipedia:Transcendentalism\|Transcendentalist]] philosophy and the emerging [[Wikipedia:free love\|free love]] movement. He joined the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights of Labor]] (for whom he wrote a series of labor song-poems) and served as a city alderman from 1887 to 1888.<ref>Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53.</ref> In 1886, he began issuing a series of pamphlets, articles, and letters defending Anarchist social theory, which he continued throughout his life. He developed a fascination with the works of [[Wikipedia:Thomas Robert Malthus\|Thomas Robert Malthus]], leading to a series of letters and articles defending Malthusian economics as an important source of insight for Anarchist social theory.<ref>See for example [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/07/17/a-plea-for-parson-malthus "A Plea for Parson Malthus"], in ''Liberty'', July 17, 1886, p. 7; [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/08/21/malthus-main-principle "Malthus's 'Main Principle'"], in ''Liberty'' August 21, 1886, p. 7; and [http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/C._L._James__Anarchism_and_Malthus.html "Anarchism and Malthus"]. New York, New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association.</ref> In 1893 James traveled to [[Wikipedia:Chicago, Illinois\|Chicago]] and briefly attended a convention of Anarchists held in parallel with the [[Wikipedia:World's Columbian Exposition\|World's Columbian Exposition]], where he met [[Wikipedia:Voltairine de Cleyre\|Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Wikipedia:Honoré Jaxon\|Honoré Jaxon]].<ref>De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref> For the most part, however, he remained reclusive during his later life, and outside his local community he was little known except through his writing.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref>	+	James began writing for newspapers and publishing poems, essays, and pamphlets on [[Wikipedia:Transcendentalism\|Transcendentalist]] philosophy and the emerging [[Wikipedia:free love\|free love]] movement. He joined the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights of Labor]] (for whom he wrote a series of labor song-poems) and served as a city alderman from 1887 to 1888.<ref>Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53.</ref> In 1886, he began issuing a series of pamphlets, articles, and letters defending Anarchist social theory, which he continued throughout his life. He developed a fascination with the works of [[Wikipedia:Thomas Robert Malthus\|Thomas Robert Malthus]], leading to a series of letters and articles defending Malthusian economics as an important source of insight for Anarchist social theory.<ref>See for example [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/07/17/a-plea-for-parson-malthus "A Plea for Parson Malthus"], in ''Liberty'', July 17, 1886, p. 7; [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/08/21/malthus-main-principle "Malthus's 'Main Principle'"], in ''Liberty'' August 21, 1886, p. 7; and [http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/C._L._James__Anarchism_and_Malthus.html "Anarchism and Malthus"]. New York, New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association.</ref> In 1893 James traveled to [[Wikipedia:Chicago, Illinois\|Chicago]] and briefly attended a convention of Anarchists held in parallel with the [[Wikipedia:World's Columbian Exposition\|World's Columbian Exposition]], where he met [[Wikipedia:Voltairine de Cleyre\|Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Wikipedia:Honoré Jaxon\|Honoré Jaxon]].<ref>De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref> For the most part, however, he remained reclusive during his later life, and outside his local community he was little known except through his writing.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref>

	James died in Eau Claire at the age of 65 in 1911. Obituaries and reminiscences in his honor were published by his friends and correspondents in ''[[Wikipedia:Mother Earth (magazine)\|Mother Earth]]''.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174. De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref>		James died in Eau Claire at the age of 65 in 1911. Obituaries and reminiscences in his honor were published by his friends and correspondents in ''[[Wikipedia:Mother Earth (magazine)\|Mother Earth]]''.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174. De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref>

Main Page

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 04:42:38 GMT

People with pages in progress:

← Older revision		Revision as of 04:42, 14 May 2012
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	* [[Theodor Johnson]]		* [[Theodor Johnson]]
	* [[A. P. Kelly]]		* [[A. P. Kelly]]
		+	* [[John H. Keyser]]
	* [[Louis Levine]]		* [[Louis Levine]]
	* [[Henry D. Lloyd]]		* [[Henry D. Lloyd]]

John T. Elliott

Radgeek — Mon, 14 May 2012 04:41:18 GMT

New page

[[John T. Elliott]] (also spelled '''John T. Elliot''') was a labor organizer active in New York City in the late 19th century. He was a founder of the [[Brotherhood of Painters and Decorators of America]], and a founding member of the English-speaking sections of the [[Wikipedia:First International|First International]] in the United States. In the conflict over [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull|Victoria Woodhull]] and Section 12's membership in the International, Elliott sided with the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull|Victoria Woodhull]] faction against [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx|Karl Marx]].

== About ==

=== Karl Marx, "Notes on the 'American split'" (1872) ===

From [[Wikipedia:Karl Marx|Karl Marx's]] 1872 [http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1872/09/splits.htm "Notes on the ‘American split’"] within the [[Wikipedia:International Working Men's Association|International Working Men's Association]].

: This Appeal -- and the formation from it of all sorts of middle-class humbug sections, free-lovers, spiritists, spiritist Shakers, etc. -- caused the split, and the demand by Section 1 (German) of the old Council that Section 12 be expelled and that no section be admitted to membership unless it consisted of at least two-thirds workers.
:
: First, five dissidents formed a separate Council on November 19, 1871, which consisted of Yankees, Frenchmen, and Germans.
:
: [...]
:
: December 3, 1871. The new Federal Council for North America formally founded (Yankees, Germans, Frenchmen.)
:
: December 4. The old Council (10 Woard Hotel) denounces in a circular to all sections of the International in the United States.
:
: [...]
:
: Both councils appealed to the General Council. Various sections, for example, the French Section No. 10 (New York), and several Irish sections, withdrew their delegates from both councils until the General Council made its decision. Les of the [[Wikipedia:Victoria Woodhull|Woodhull]] journal, in an article of December 2, entitled: "Section 12 Sustained. The Decision of the General Council." (This was the decision of the General Council, November 5, 1871, which, on the contrary, sustained the Central Committee against the claims of Section 12, which tried to replace it as Yankees.)
:
: Resolutions of the General Council, March 5 and 12, 1872.
:
: The fate of the International in the United States depended on it. [...] As soon as the resolutions reached New York, the fellows of the Counter Committee began to follow their old tactics. They had first discussed the original split in the most notorious New York bourgeois papers. Now they did the same against the General Council (presenting the matter as a conflict between Frenchmen and Germans, between socialism and communism), to the joyous cry of all labor-hating organs.
:
: [...]
:
: Under the title: "The Party of the People, etc.", a new Appeal, always with [[Wikipedia:Victoria C. Woodhull|Victoria C. Woodhull]] at the head, followed by the chief scamps of the Counter Council, [[Th. H. Banks]], [[R. W. Hume]], [[G. R. Allen]], [[William West]], [[G. W. Maddox]] (the subsequent president of the Apollo meeting), [[John T. Elliott|J. T. Elliot]] (the English secretary of the Counter Council), T. Miller (delegate of French Section 2).
:
: [,..]
:
: Woodhull, etc., Weekly, May 25, 1872. At last (Apollo Hall scandal, May 9, 10, 11), Woodhull for President of the United States, [[Wikipedia:Frederick Douglass|F. Douglass]] for Vice-President (Maddox of Counter Council, president of the convention, first day.) Laughingstock of New York and United States.
:
: The rest, officials of the Counter Council: [[John T. Elliott|John T. Elliot]], vice-president, [[G. R. Allen]], secretary (and member of Committee on Resolutions and Platform). In the latter committee, [[Th. Banks]] (one of the five founders of the Counter Council, November 19, 1871). Also Mrs. Maria Huleck on one of the committees. In the Central National Commitee of New York there figure: [[G. R. Allen]], [[Th. H. Banks]] (next to [[Colonel Blood]], member of Section 12 and lover of Victoria), [[J. B. Davis]].
:
: Breakup of the Counter Council.

=== New York ''Herald'' ===

From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/02/new-york-herald-january-1874-the-communists-of-new-york/ "The Communists. Meeting to Arouse the Second Assembly District,"] in the New York ''Herald'', Sunday, January 18, 1874, p. 10.

: Having concluded his remarks, Citizen Burke then introduced
:
: <h4>Citizen Elliott.</h4>
:
: [[John T. Elliott|Citizen Elliott]] announced the fact that the German wards were already thoroughly organized and that the only thing which remained to secure a thorough and effective organization was the enrolment of the English speaking wards. The proper manner of procedure, the speaker stated, for those in sympathy with the movement now on foot to redeem the workingmen was to perfect district and ward organizations throughout the entire city, the same as is done previous to the holding of the political elections. Rumors had gone abroad that the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] had determined to resign their trust, but such was not the case. The
:
: <h4>Committee of Safety</h4>
:
: would always remain in active existence. The members of that committee had pledged themselves to remain true to the principles which led to their organization. They would never relax their efforts, but would work night and day to promote the great cause of the workingmen. Not one of them sought any office, and they were all pledged never to accept any. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] have, moreover, determined to carry the cases of the men now in custody who were [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)|arrested for participation in the meeting on Tuesday last]] before the State courts, and no labor nor expense would be spared to free them from bondage. On last Tuesday the country at large had seen a most dastardly outrage perpetrated upon the rights of the workingmen.
:
: <h4>[[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée|Commissioner Duryee]]</h4>
:
: had charged his police upon inoffensive workingmen like so many “bulldogs” (Voice in the audience—“Shame! Shame!”) When a demonstration is made again let the workingmen go out in large numbers so that the police or military will not dare to resist them. (Loud applause. I request that those who are present here this evening will, before they depart, come forward and sign the roll so that we can form a good nucleus to perfect a solid organization in this ward.
:
: <h4>Citizen Banks</h4>
:
: was then introduced. During the interval between the organization of the meeting and the conclusion of the speech of [[John T. Elliott|Citizen Elliot]] [sic] the audience was considerably increased by the entry of quite a number of prominent Communists.
:
: [...]
:
: <h4>Other Speakers</h4>
:
: Citizen Samuels, of the Committee of Safety, then addressed the meeting, and was followed by Citizen [[Leander Thompson]], chairman of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]], and Citizen McGuire. Subsequent to the speech of Citizen McGuire, [[John T. Elliott|Citizen Elliot]] offered and read the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted:—
:
: <h4>Resolutions.</h4>
:
: Whereas we are passing through a great financial crisis which has thrown us suddenly out of employment; and whereas there is no destruction of the real wealth of the country, but speculation in gold, stocks and the people’s lands, sanctioned by the government, has been the sole cause of the panic; and whereas we are industrious, law-abiding citizens, who wish to avoid all outrage on person or property, and deprecate violence or injustice in any form; and whereas we desire only the means of obtaining the necessities of life, not as objects of charity, but as law-abiding citizens, whose right it is to demand work of the government which we have always protected and supported; therefore, we are
:
: Resolved. That we will not eat the bread of idleness nor starve in the midst of plenty; but that we demand work, and pay for that work, now and without delay.
:
: Resolved. That we demand the rigid enforcement of the eight-hour system on all private as well as public work, and the instant and entire abolition of the whole government contract system.
:
: Resolved. That if the government will not furnish work for the unemployed, we, through our [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]], will in this our time of need supply ourselves and our families with proper food, shelter and clothing and will send all our bills for the same to the City Treasury to be liquidated, until such times as we shall obtain work and pay.
:
: Resolved. That we demand an immediate and permanent reduction of twenty-five per cent on all house rents until the 1st of May to the unemployed of all classes.
:
: Resolved. That, in the furtherance of the objects set down in the above resolutions, we will enroll our names and organize, not in the interest of any political party, but in the interest of all the people who are suffering from the present condition of affairs.
:
: Resolved. That we will appoint from this mass meeting a committee of twelve workingmen, residents of the ward, to organize the working classes of the ward and co-operate with the German ward organizations.
:
: Resolved. That we will support and sustain the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] in its work of securing the above objects.

=== New York ''Times'' ===

From [[The Commune in New York. Its Several Organizations (New York Times 23 January 1874)|The Commune in New York. Its Several Organizations]], New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.

: The first international societies established in America were started in 1868-9 among the Germans in the City of New-York. In 1870 two French sections were organized, but it was not until the 1st of March, 1871, that Americans took up the idea, and began the formation of sections, the first American section being No. 9. At that time there were two French, two Irish, and four German sections, aggregating nearly 2,000 members. Among the founders of section No. 9 were [[Ira Davis]], [[J. W. Gregory]], [[Theodore S. Banks]], [[George R. Allen]], [[Leander Thompson]], [[G. W. Maddox]], [[John Halbert]], [[John T. Elliott]] and others, who became subsequently, and have continued more or less identified with the cause. Davis and Gregory are dead, but the others are all enjoying the dole of "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which the Constitution of the United States generously vouches to all who come within its purview. The only difference between them and ordinary citizens is perhaps that while they have enough of life they desire a little more liberty and a shorter route to the attainment of happiness than that over which it has been so long "pursued" and so rarely overtaken. Every member of the sections established was an artisan or a mechanic, or at least was engaged in a skilled industrial avocation, and section No. 9 in a few weeks enrolled about 200 members.

=== ''The Painter and Decorator'' ===

From "The Painter and Decorator," Vol. XXVIII, No. 2 (February, 1914), "... published monthly at LaFayette, Ind. by the [[Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America]]." 84.

: [[John T. Elliott|John T. Elliot]], the founder of the Brotherhood, sleeps in an unmarked grave. The Rochester General Assembly decided that in respect to his memory and in recognition of his service in the cause of trade unionism a monument should be erected upon his resting place. The request for a free-will offering will be sent out in April.

Main Page

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:39:36 GMT

People with pages in progress:

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:39, 13 May 2012
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	* [[M. B.]]		* [[M. B.]]
	* [[Bayard Boyesen]]		* [[Bayard Boyesen]]
		+	* [[George Buck]]
	* [[Joseph J. Cohen]]		* [[Joseph J. Cohen]]
		+	* [[John T. Elliott]]
	* [[Joseph Hoefflicher]]		* [[Joseph Hoefflicher]]
	* [[C. L. James]]		* [[C. L. James]]
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	* [[Matilda Robbins]]		* [[Matilda Robbins]]
	* [[Karl August Röckel]]		* [[Karl August Röckel]]
		+	* [[Lucien Sanival]]
	* [[Justus Schwab]]		* [[Justus Schwab]]
	* [[Hyman Weinberg]]		* [[Hyman Weinberg]]

Luceen Saniel

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:29:54 GMT

Apparently an odd misspelling of his name in the NY Times

New page

#REDIRECT [[Lucien Sanival]]

Lucien Sanival

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:27:33 GMT

New page

[[Lucien Sanival]] was a labor organizer, involved with the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] in New York City in the 1870s.

== Mentions ==
=== New York ''Times'' ===
==== New York ''Times'', January 14, 1874 ====

From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in The New York Times, January 14, 1874.

: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE "COMMITTEE OF SAFETY" BEFORE THE MAYOR.</h5>
:
: [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] arrived at his office at noon. When he had taken his seat, his Secretary handed him a card containing the request, "Mr. Leander Thompson would like to have an interview with his Honor." [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] recognized the name as that of a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|"Working Men's Committee of Safety,"]] who had previously called upon him as a representative of the labor movement, and at whose request he had promised to address the laborers at Union square. [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] told his Secretary to admit Mr. Thompson, and the latter, accompanied by Messrs. [[John McMichael]], [[George Buck]], [[John Halbert]], and [[Lucien Sanival|Luceen Saniel]], entered the office. [[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée|Gen. Duryee]], the Police Commissioner, was in an adjoining chamber, and, the moment Thompson entered, [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|the Mayor]] called him to his side.

==== New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874 ====

From "[[The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations (New York Times 23 January 1874)|The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations]]," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.

: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE [[Committee of Safety (New York)|“COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.”]]</h5>
:
: The organization represented by the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|“Committee of Safety”]] is next in order of consideration, because it is the most recently developed, having been brought particularly into notice by the mass-meeting held under its auspices at the Cooper Institute, Dec. 11. and by [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)|the late labor émeute]]. Its most prominent members in New-York are [[Dr. F. A. Palmer]] and [[Geo. R. Allen]], of No. 23 West Twenty-seventh street; [[Theodore S. Banks]] of No. 4 Ninth avenue; [[J. J. McGuire]], [[George Buck]], [[Lucien Sanival]], and some others, representing American, German, and French elements, and most of these are members of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]].

George Buck

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:23:22 GMT

New York Times:

New page

[[George Buck]] was a labor organizer, involved with the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] in New York City in the 1870s.

== Mentions ==
=== New York ''Times'' ===
==== New York ''Times'', January 14, 1874 ====

From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in The New York Times, January 14, 1874.

: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE "COMMITTEE OF SAFETY" BEFORE THE MAYOR.</h5>
:
: [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] arrived at his office at noon. When he had taken his seat, his Secretary handed him a card containing the request, "Mr. Leander Thompson would like to have an interview with his Honor." [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] recognized the name as that of a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|"Working Men's Committee of Safety,"]] who had previously called upon him as a representative of the labor movement, and at whose request he had promised to address the laborers at Union square. [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|The Mayor]] told his Secretary to admit Mr. Thompson, and the latter, accompanied by Messrs. [[John McMichael]], [[George Buck]], [[John Halbert]], and [[Luceen Saniel]], entered the office. [[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée|Gen. Duryee]], the Police Commissioner, was in an adjoining chamber, and, the moment Thompson entered, [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer|the Mayor]] called him to his side.

==== New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874 ====

From "[[The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations (New York Times 23 January 1874)|The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations]]," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.

: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE [[Committee of Safety (New York)|“COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.”]]</h5>
:
: The organization represented by the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|“Committee of Safety”]] is next in order of consideration, because it is the most recently developed, having been brought particularly into notice by the mass-meeting held under its auspices at the Cooper Institute, Dec. 11. and by [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)|the late labor émeute]]. Its most prominent members in New-York are [[Dr. F. A. Palmer]] and [[Geo. R. Allen]], of No. 23 West Twenty-seventh street; [[Theodore S. Banks]] of No. 4 Ninth avenue; [[J. J. McGuire]], [[George Buck]], [[Lucien Sanival]], and some others, representing American, German, and French elements, and most of these are members of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]].

Committee of Safety (New York)

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:19:24 GMT

New York Times, January 23, 1874:

← Older revision		Revision as of 23:19, 13 May 2012
(2 intermediate revisions not shown)
Line 58:		Line 58:

	=== New York ''Times'' ===		=== New York ''Times'' ===
		+
		+	==== New York ''Times'', January 14, 1874 ====

	From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in The New York Times, January 14, 1874.		From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in The New York Times, January 14, 1874.

-	: ~~'''~~THE "COMMITTEE OF SAFETY" BEFORE THE MAYOR.~~'''~~	+	: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE "COMMITTEE OF SAFETY" BEFORE THE MAYOR.</h5>
	:		:
	: [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] arrived at his office at noon. When he had taken his seat, his Secretary handed him a card containing the request, "Mr. Leander Thompson would like to have an interview with his Honor." [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] recognized the name as that of a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|"Working Men's Committee of Safety,"]] who had previously called upon him as a representative of the labor movement, and at whose request he had promised to address the laborers at Union square. [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] told his Secretary to admit Mr. Thompson, and the latter, accompanied by Messrs. John McMichael, George Buck, John Halbert, and Luceen Saniel, entered the office. [[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée\|Gen. Duryee]], the Police Commissioner, was in an adjoining chamber, and, the moment Thompson entered, [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|the Mayor]] called him to his side.		: [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] arrived at his office at noon. When he had taken his seat, his Secretary handed him a card containing the request, "Mr. Leander Thompson would like to have an interview with his Honor." [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] recognized the name as that of a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|"Working Men's Committee of Safety,"]] who had previously called upon him as a representative of the labor movement, and at whose request he had promised to address the laborers at Union square. [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] told his Secretary to admit Mr. Thompson, and the latter, accompanied by Messrs. John McMichael, George Buck, John Halbert, and Luceen Saniel, entered the office. [[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée\|Gen. Duryee]], the Police Commissioner, was in an adjoining chamber, and, the moment Thompson entered, [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|the Mayor]] called him to his side.
Line 121:		Line 123:
	: The deputation then left. Immediately after they had retired, the Mayor said: "I am in favor of raising subscriptions from merchants and others, so as to alleviate any suffering that may exist among working men and their families. Money would be soon forthcoming for the purpose, and a hall could be hierd and a clerk engaged to serve out rations of all kinds to the hungry. Money could also be advanced to those who were unable to pay their rent."		: The deputation then left. Immediately after they had retired, the Mayor said: "I am in favor of raising subscriptions from merchants and others, so as to alleviate any suffering that may exist among working men and their families. Money would be soon forthcoming for the purpose, and a hall could be hierd and a clerk engaged to serve out rations of all kinds to the hungry. Money could also be advanced to those who were unable to pay their rent."

-	From "The Commune in New-York: Its Several Organizations," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.	+	==== New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874 ====
		+
		+	From "[[The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations (New York Times 23 January 1874)\|The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations]]," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.

-	: ~~'''~~THE [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|“COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.”]]~~'''~~	+	: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|“COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.”]]</h5>
	:		:
-	: The organization represented by the [Committee of Safety (New York)\|“Committee of Safety”]] is next in order of consideration, because it is the most recently developed, having been brought particularly into notice by the mass-meeting held under its auspices at the Cooper Institute, Dec. 11. and by [[Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|the late labor émeute]]. Its most prominent members in New-York are [[Dr. F. A. Palmer]] and [[Geo. R. Allen]], of No. 23 West Twenty-seventh street; [[Theodore S. Banks]] of No. 4 Ninth avenue; [[J. J. McGuire]], [[George Buck]], [[Lucien Sanival]], and some others, representing American, German, and French elements, and most of these are members of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]]. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] was appointed by the mass-meeting, and originally comprised fifty members, of whom about one-half were Americans, Englishmen, and Irishmen; one-third Germans, and one-sixth Frenchmen. It is not possible to ascertain who is at the "back" of the movement, but its leaders in New-York aver that they are supported by influential men throughout the country, and that capital is not altogether lacking when required to aid the cause. They certainly draw no inconsiderable portion of their strength from the Internationals, and it is claimed that the movement was planned and founded three years ago. It is not confined to New-York City, however, but has ramifications, of what strength cannot be ascertained, in Chicago, Toledo, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Boston, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and Louisville, besides some smaller cities. In general terms, the “United Party,” as it was styled, claimed to address itself to the complete amelioration of the condition of the industrial classes first by relieving the temporary or immediate necessities of the unemployed working people, and then by a systematic reconstruction of society and political government. Just how this last Herculean result was to be achieved did not appear in detail at the time the Committee of Arrangements issued its call for the Cooper Institute meeting. Circulars were printed and forwarded to most of the labor organizations in other cities, and they were invited to assemble in mass-meetings simultaneously with that to be held in New-York. Quite a number of cities responded and held meetings on that same 11th of December evening.	+	: The organization represented by the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|“Committee of Safety”]] is next in order of consideration, because it is the most recently developed, having been brought particularly into notice by the mass-meeting held under its auspices at the Cooper Institute, Dec. 11. and by [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|the late labor émeute]]. Its most prominent members in New-York are [[Dr. F. A. Palmer]] and [[Geo. R. Allen]], of No. 23 West Twenty-seventh street; [[Theodore S. Banks]] of No. 4 Ninth avenue; [[J. J. McGuire]], [[George Buck]], [[Lucien Sanival]], and some others, representing American, German, and French elements, and most of these are members of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]]. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] was appointed by the mass-meeting, and originally comprised fifty members, of whom about one-half were Americans, Englishmen, and Irishmen; one-third Germans, and one-sixth Frenchmen. It is not possible to ascertain who is at the "back" of the movement, but its leaders in New-York aver that they are supported by influential men throughout the country, and that capital is not altogether lacking when required to aid the cause. They certainly draw no inconsiderable portion of their strength from the Internationals, and it is claimed that the movement was planned and founded three years ago. It is not confined to New-York City, however, but has ramifications, of what strength cannot be ascertained, in Chicago, Toledo, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Boston, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and Louisville, besides some smaller cities. In general terms, the “United Party,” as it was styled, claimed to address itself to the complete amelioration of the condition of the industrial classes first by relieving the temporary or immediate necessities of the unemployed working people, and then by a systematic reconstruction of society and political government. Just how this last Herculean result was to be achieved did not appear in detail at the time the Committee of Arrangements issued its call for the Cooper Institute meeting. Circulars were printed and forwarded to most of the labor organizations in other cities, and they were invited to assemble in mass-meetings simultaneously with that to be held in New-York. Quite a number of cities responded and held meetings on that same 11th of December evening.
	:		:
-	: ~~'''~~THE TALISMANIC REMEDY.~~'''~~	+	: <h5 style="text-align: center">THE TALISMANIC REMEDY.</h5>
	:		:
	: Among the means, however, by which the united party proposed to realize its theories, were the absorption and operation by the Government of all railways, so as to prevent the immense system of gambling now carried on in their stock and capital funds, by which financial stringency is so often created; also, the limitation of the acquirement of wealth, by an increased rate of taxation upon all capital, over and above a certain fixed sum, in the hands of any one individual. And, lastly, that to prevent the evils of corrupt and special legislation, the referendum be instituted, by virtue of which all laws shall be framed and proposed by the Legislature, and be subject to ratification or rejection by vote of the people, before going into effect as laws. Coming at the particular time that this proclamation was issued, when there were so many thousands of people out of employment and the panic among financiers had made money extremely scarce in all hands, it was no wonder that a large crowd of people assembled at Cooper Institute. As a meeting it was a success, but the press and public descried the cloven foot of Communism in some of the principles enunciated in the platform, and charged the entire affair to the machinations of Communists and Internationals. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] there appointed called subsequently on the public authorities to demand relief and employment, and were, as they claim, slighted, and the result was that the hungry and unemployed developed systems of distrust in the committee, first, because they were unsuccessful, and next, because they felt that by adhering to them they were in danger of being charged with Communistic proclivities. Of course others stood ready to foist themselves into favor by championing the working man, and denounced the committee as “a lot of diamond -studdied demagogues who were trying to use the poor working man for their own ends,” and so forth. Of course, these last demagogues claim to be the real Simon pure friend of “the honest toiler,” and have got the honest toiler in hand just now; but it does not appear that his condition has been bettered by the interference of any of them up to the present. Nor does it seem likely that any men or set of men can, either by magic resolves or by paper theories, give relief to the unemployed.		: Among the means, however, by which the united party proposed to realize its theories, were the absorption and operation by the Government of all railways, so as to prevent the immense system of gambling now carried on in their stock and capital funds, by which financial stringency is so often created; also, the limitation of the acquirement of wealth, by an increased rate of taxation upon all capital, over and above a certain fixed sum, in the hands of any one individual. And, lastly, that to prevent the evils of corrupt and special legislation, the referendum be instituted, by virtue of which all laws shall be framed and proposed by the Legislature, and be subject to ratification or rejection by vote of the people, before going into effect as laws. Coming at the particular time that this proclamation was issued, when there were so many thousands of people out of employment and the panic among financiers had made money extremely scarce in all hands, it was no wonder that a large crowd of people assembled at Cooper Institute. As a meeting it was a success, but the press and public descried the cloven foot of Communism in some of the principles enunciated in the platform, and charged the entire affair to the machinations of Communists and Internationals. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] there appointed called subsequently on the public authorities to demand relief and employment, and were, as they claim, slighted, and the result was that the hungry and unemployed developed systems of distrust in the committee, first, because they were unsuccessful, and next, because they felt that by adhering to them they were in danger of being charged with Communistic proclivities. Of course others stood ready to foist themselves into favor by championing the working man, and denounced the committee as “a lot of diamond -studdied demagogues who were trying to use the poor working man for their own ends,” and so forth. Of course, these last demagogues claim to be the real Simon pure friend of “the honest toiler,” and have got the honest toiler in hand just now; but it does not appear that his condition has been bettered by the interference of any of them up to the present. Nor does it seem likely that any men or set of men can, either by magic resolves or by paper theories, give relief to the unemployed.
	:		:
-	: ~~'''~~HOW FUNDS WERE RAISED.~~'''~~	+	: <h5 style="text-align: center">HOW FUNDS WERE RAISED.</h5>
	:		:
	: It was generally supposed that [[John H. Keyser]] had been a heavy financial "backer" of the movement in the hands of the united party, as it was known that he had paid some proportion, if not all, of the Cooper Institute meeting expenses. The reporter called upon [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] last night to ascertain the facts, and was informed by him that he had never contributed but $25 to the affair, which was for the defrayal of the gass bill. The hall, he understood, was given free for a "working men’s" mass-meeting. Prior to that time, [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] had contributed to the Howard Relief Association for the relief of the unemployed, and had also instituted a free service of food and soups at his own house for such as chose to partake. This latter patronage grew, in five weeks, from about twenty persons per day to 1,000 at a single meal, and he finally gave up the project of feeding them. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] had subsequently applied to him for funds, and he incontinently rejected the application.		: It was generally supposed that [[John H. Keyser]] had been a heavy financial "backer" of the movement in the hands of the united party, as it was known that he had paid some proportion, if not all, of the Cooper Institute meeting expenses. The reporter called upon [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] last night to ascertain the facts, and was informed by him that he had never contributed but $25 to the affair, which was for the defrayal of the gass bill. The hall, he understood, was given free for a "working men’s" mass-meeting. Prior to that time, [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] had contributed to the Howard Relief Association for the relief of the unemployed, and had also instituted a free service of food and soups at his own house for such as chose to partake. This latter patronage grew, in five weeks, from about twenty persons per day to 1,000 at a single meal, and he finally gave up the project of feeding them. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] had subsequently applied to him for funds, and he incontinently rejected the application.
	:		:
-	: ~~'''~~FUTURE MOVEMENTS.~~'''~~	+	: <h5 style="text-align: center">FUTURE MOVEMENTS.</h5>
	:		:
	: Nothing could be learned as to the future movements or intentions of the united party. A mass-meeting to be held at an early date, if at all, is under consideration, and they intend also to defend, by every means in their power, the persons now in arrest who were captured at the [Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|Tompkins square troubles]]. They claim that these persons were entrapped, with the thousands of others who were assembled there, by the authorities as a means of ridding themselves of the demands of the working men by putting their demonstration in a criminal light. They maintain also that the Police rescinded the permission they had given for the meeting at so late an hour of the preceding evening that it was impossible to notify the ward organizations not to assemble: that the right of peaceable public assemblage is a constitutional right, as is also the right of free speech, and that the violence which resulted was wholly initiated by the Police. They say they will exhaust all legal means in their future efforts to exercise those rights, and that—well, if these fail, the people will see to it that they shall have and enjoy these rights and privileges.		: Nothing could be learned as to the future movements or intentions of the united party. A mass-meeting to be held at an early date, if at all, is under consideration, and they intend also to defend, by every means in their power, the persons now in arrest who were captured at the [Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|Tompkins square troubles]]. They claim that these persons were entrapped, with the thousands of others who were assembled there, by the authorities as a means of ridding themselves of the demands of the working men by putting their demonstration in a criminal light. They maintain also that the Police rescinded the permission they had given for the meeting at so late an hour of the preceding evening that it was impossible to notify the ward organizations not to assemble: that the right of peaceable public assemblage is a constitutional right, as is also the right of free speech, and that the violence which resulted was wholly initiated by the Police. They say they will exhaust all legal means in their future efforts to exercise those rights, and that—well, if these fail, the people will see to it that they shall have and enjoy these rights and privileges.

John H. Keyser

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 23:13:38 GMT

New York Times:

New page

[[John H. Keyser]] (ca. 1818-August 23, 1899) was a capitalist active in New York City during the late 19th century. He was well known for his charitable projects during economic downturns, and for accusations of corrupt connections with [[Wikipedia:William M. Tweed|Boss Tweed]].

== About ==

=== New York ''Times'' ===

From "[[The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations (New York Times 23 January 1874)|The Commune in New-York. Its Several Organizations]]," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.

: <h4 style="text-transform: uppercase">How Funds Were Raised.</h4>
:
: It was generally supposed that [[John H. Keyser]] had been a heavy financial "backer" of the movement in the hands of the united party, as it was known that he had paid some proportion, if not all, of the Cooper Institute meeting expenses. The reporter called upon [[John H. Keyser|Mr. Keyser]] last night to ascertain the facts, and was informed by him that he had never contributed but $25 to the affair, which was for the defrayal of the gass bill. The hall, he understood, was given free for a "working men’s" mass-meeting. Prior to that time, [[John H. Keyser|Mr. Keyser]] had contributed to the Howard Relief Association for the relief of the unemployed, and had also instituted a free service of food and soups at his own house for such as chose to partake. This latter patronage grew, in five weeks, from about twenty persons per day to 1,000 at a single meal, and he finally gave up the project of feeding them. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)|Committee of Safety]] had subsequently applied to him for funds, and he incontinently rejected the application.

[http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=F00A14FF3A5416738DDDAA0A94D0405B8985F0D3 Obituary, "John H. Keyser Dead"] from the New York ''Times'', August 23, 1899.

: <hgroup style="text-align: center">
: <h4 style="text-transform: uppercase">[[John H. Keyser]] Dead.</h4>
: <h5>Thousands Were Aided by Man Accused of Being Tweed’s Partner.</h5>
: </hgroup>
:
: [[John H. Keyser]], an inventor, manufacturer, and philanthropist of this city, died at his home in East Norwalk, Conn., on Sunday night at the age of eighty-one years.
:
: Mr. Keyser, during the forty years he was engaged in manufacturing in this city and elsewhere, made and lost a half dozen fortunes. He retired about five years ago with a competency. About thirty years ago Mr. Keyser, who was then considered wealthy, built the "Stranger’ Rest," at 510 Pearl Street. In this house he annually sheltered and fed 9,000 homeless men and women for five years, defraying the entire expense himself. In 1870 he built the Strangers’ Hospital, at Tenth Street and Avenue A, at a cost of $80,000 and conducted it himself for three years as a hospital from whose doors no poor person was turned away. During the great panic of 1873 Mr. Keyser fed daily 1,000 persons in his home in Second Avenue, and in the "hard times" of 1888 he established a free eating house in Washington Square, in which 2,000 persons daily received two meals. Again, in 1894, when hundreds of homeless men roamed the streets, he made an effective appeal for the needy, and largely through his efforts 1,200 wanderers were lodged free during the cold weather.
:
: Mr. Keyser was accused, during the investigation of the [[Wikipedia:Boss Tweed|Tweed ring]], of being a partner of Tweed and of having received enormous sums of money from the city through this connection. The Committee of Seventy, which conducted the investigation, reported the following resolution touching upon Mr. Keyser's action after the charge had been made against him:
:
:: Resolved, That [[John H. Keyser]] has made an assignment to [[Jackson S. Schultz]], as a member of the Citizens' Committee, of property estimated at some six hundred thousand dollars in trust to repay out of the proceeds of the same all sums of money which he may have improperly received from the City or County of New York, and has given full information touching his pecuniary transactions which may be published.
:
: In explanation of this action Mr. Keyser wrote an open letter, in which he declared that he had never been associated in business with [[Wikipedia:Boss Tweed|Tweed]], and that he had not, as the Committee of Seventy intimated, made a confession, because he "had nothing to confess."

Committee of Safety (New York)

Radgeek — Sun, 13 May 2012 22:58:27 GMT

New York Times:

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	: After a somewhat lengthy address from Mr. McMicken, of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]], the meeting adjourned.		: After a somewhat lengthy address from Mr. McMicken, of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]], the meeting adjourned.
		+
		+	=== New York ''Times'' ===
		+
		+	From [http://blog.fair-use.org/2012/05/09/defeat-of-the-communists-in-the-new-york-times-january-14-1874/ "Defeat of the Communists: The Mass Meeting and Parade Broken Up,"] in The New York Times, January 14, 1874.
		+
		+	: '''THE "COMMITTEE OF SAFETY" BEFORE THE MAYOR.'''
		+	:
		+	: [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] arrived at his office at noon. When he had taken his seat, his Secretary handed him a card containing the request, "Mr. Leander Thompson would like to have an interview with his Honor." [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] recognized the name as that of a member of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|"Working Men's Committee of Safety,"]] who had previously called upon him as a representative of the labor movement, and at whose request he had promised to address the laborers at Union square. [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|The Mayor]] told his Secretary to admit Mr. Thompson, and the latter, accompanied by Messrs. John McMichael, George Buck, John Halbert, and Luceen Saniel, entered the office. [[Wikipedia:Abram Duryée\|Gen. Duryee]], the Police Commissioner, was in an adjoining chamber, and, the moment Thompson entered, [[Wikipedia:William Frederick Havemeyer\|the Mayor]] called him to his side.
		+	:
		+	: "Well, gentlemen," said the Mayor, "I am ready to hear what you have to say."
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson, in response, said the deputation represented the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]], and they had called to escort his Honor to [Tompkins square][] where, they hoped, he would address the people.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--I have heard what occurred this morning, and I do not desire to address crazy or excited people, who might be anxious to send brickbats flying.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--The people would like to hear your views. We will take you in a carriage. The working men are a peaceable and orderly class. They made an attempt to meet and express their views and were forcibly ejected by the Police, who clubbed and trampled upon them.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. McMichael here stepped forward and said, "Mr. Mayor, I hope you will come with us. We promised the people that you would speak to them, and they will be much disappointed if you do not. The meeting this morning was intended to be peaceable and orderly, but the Police interfered and clubbed every one they met. there were 20,000 persons in the square and its vicinity, and they were driven back without cause. I believe that it is absolutely necessary for you to come up and speak to the working men. They are very much excited about the treatment they have received from the Police, and consequences which we would wish to avert may follow if they are not spoken to."
		+	:
		+	: Gen. Duryee interposed here. He said that all law-abiding citizens would act peaceably, and that he did not believe there would be any further trouble. "But," resumed Mr. McMichael, "the Police treated the meeting most mercilessly. Without a moment's warning they clubbed them off the ground."
		+	:
		+	: Gen. Duryea [sic], (warmly)--No, Sir; the Police did not act until a man came forward and struck a Sergeant on the head with a heavy hammer, which he had "rigged" so completely that it was taken from him with difficulty. Then an attack was made upon a Captain, so that it was time to disperse the crowd.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--The Park Commissioners gave us a permit to meet in [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Park\|Tompkins square]], and they rescinded it last night, so that we had no time to tell the people to keep away.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. McMichael--The meeting was intended to be peaceable: we promised the people that you would address them, and it is necessary for something to be done to allay the feeling that exists.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--I would have addressed the working men to-day if they carried out the programme they submitted to me. They agreed to march from Tompkins to [Wikipedia:Union Square (New York City)\|Union square]], and I told you that I would speak to them before they were dismissed at the latter place. Instead of doing what they agreed to do, they held a mass-meeting at [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Park\|Tompkins square]] without authority.
		+	:
		+	: One of the deputation here remarked that the programme was changed on the previous night, so as to enable the working men to hear addresses.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--Our original intention was to march down to the City Hall, so as to see the authorities about getting employment.
		+	:
		+	: Commissioner Duryee--But the Police Commissioners had to forbid that, because a large procession would interfere with business in the crowded thoroughfares below Canal street.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Halbert--This is a diversion. We desire to know if your Honor will come with us to address the working men.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--I must leave the matter to Commissioner Duryee.
		+	:
		+	: Commissioner Duryee--I think it would be unadvisable for you to go. Let these gentlemen come again, and I am sure that all that can be done for the unemployed will be done by the City.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. McMichael--We have been denounced by the press without cause. We have been called Communists, and our objects have been misrepresented. All we want is work.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--Well, there is one difficulty in the way. The market in this City is glutted with labor, and men will not work unless they can get the price they ask. I believe that there is work enough for everybody, but not at the wages demanded. (To Mr. McMichael.) What is your business?
		+	:
		+	: Mr. McMichael--I am a painter.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--Well, many a man who can't, at the present rates, get his house painted for less than $300 would willingly give $200 to have it done. But, as he has got money, he can afford to wait until he can have the painting done at the sum he wishes to pay for it.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. McMichael--It is necessary to get good prices to live now.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--The working men can't demand employment from private parties, so they must demand it from the Government.
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--It is not the purpose or object of the City Government to furnish work to the industrious poor. That system belongs to other countries, not to ours. We can't tear down the City Hall so as to furnish work to the unemployed. We have to open streets and proceed with other works such as are rquired, and it takes time to authorize these according to law.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--But is it not the duty of the Government to furnish rations to starving men and their families?
		+	:
		+	: Mayor Havemeyer--I agree with you that rations should be furnished to those who need them, and I am ready to advance a movement of that kind to the full extent of my power. The people of this City are too large-hearted to allow any person to suffer from starvation.
		+	:
		+	: Mr. Thompson--Well, perhaps it's better for your Honor not to come with us to-day; so we shall not urge you. But we must see the people, lest they should blame us for not bringing you to [[Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Park\|Tompkins square]]. Will you (turning to Commissioner Duryee) give us a letter to the other Commissioners, so that we may procure a pass to enter [Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Park\|Tompkins square]]. If we don't get a pass, we'll get clubbed by the Police.
		+	:
		+	: Commissioner Duryee--There is no necessity for a note. See Commissioner Smith. You can easily see him.
		+	:
		+	: The deputation then left. Immediately after they had retired, the Mayor said: "I am in favor of raising subscriptions from merchants and others, so as to alleviate any suffering that may exist among working men and their families. Money would be soon forthcoming for the purpose, and a hall could be hierd and a clerk engaged to serve out rations of all kinds to the hungry. Money could also be advanced to those who were unable to pay their rent."
		+
		+	From "The Commune in New-York: Its Several Organizations," in the New York ''Times'', January 23, 1874.
		+
		+	: '''THE [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|“COMMITTEE OF SAFETY.”]]'''
		+	:
		+	: The organization represented by the [Committee of Safety (New York)\|“Committee of Safety”]] is next in order of consideration, because it is the most recently developed, having been brought particularly into notice by the mass-meeting held under its auspices at the Cooper Institute, Dec. 11. and by [[Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|the late labor émeute]]. Its most prominent members in New-York are [[Dr. F. A. Palmer]] and [[Geo. R. Allen]], of No. 23 West Twenty-seventh street; [[Theodore S. Banks]] of No. 4 Ninth avenue; [[J. J. McGuire]], [[George Buck]], [[Lucien Sanival]], and some others, representing American, German, and French elements, and most of these are members of the [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]]. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] was appointed by the mass-meeting, and originally comprised fifty members, of whom about one-half were Americans, Englishmen, and Irishmen; one-third Germans, and one-sixth Frenchmen. It is not possible to ascertain who is at the "back" of the movement, but its leaders in New-York aver that they are supported by influential men throughout the country, and that capital is not altogether lacking when required to aid the cause. They certainly draw no inconsiderable portion of their strength from the Internationals, and it is claimed that the movement was planned and founded three years ago. It is not confined to New-York City, however, but has ramifications, of what strength cannot be ascertained, in Chicago, Toledo, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Boston, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and Louisville, besides some smaller cities. In general terms, the “United Party,” as it was styled, claimed to address itself to the complete amelioration of the condition of the industrial classes first by relieving the temporary or immediate necessities of the unemployed working people, and then by a systematic reconstruction of society and political government. Just how this last Herculean result was to be achieved did not appear in detail at the time the Committee of Arrangements issued its call for the Cooper Institute meeting. Circulars were printed and forwarded to most of the labor organizations in other cities, and they were invited to assemble in mass-meetings simultaneously with that to be held in New-York. Quite a number of cities responded and held meetings on that same 11th of December evening.
		+	:
		+	: '''THE TALISMANIC REMEDY.'''
		+	:
		+	: Among the means, however, by which the united party proposed to realize its theories, were the absorption and operation by the Government of all railways, so as to prevent the immense system of gambling now carried on in their stock and capital funds, by which financial stringency is so often created; also, the limitation of the acquirement of wealth, by an increased rate of taxation upon all capital, over and above a certain fixed sum, in the hands of any one individual. And, lastly, that to prevent the evils of corrupt and special legislation, the referendum be instituted, by virtue of which all laws shall be framed and proposed by the Legislature, and be subject to ratification or rejection by vote of the people, before going into effect as laws. Coming at the particular time that this proclamation was issued, when there were so many thousands of people out of employment and the panic among financiers had made money extremely scarce in all hands, it was no wonder that a large crowd of people assembled at Cooper Institute. As a meeting it was a success, but the press and public descried the cloven foot of Communism in some of the principles enunciated in the platform, and charged the entire affair to the machinations of Communists and Internationals. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] there appointed called subsequently on the public authorities to demand relief and employment, and were, as they claim, slighted, and the result was that the hungry and unemployed developed systems of distrust in the committee, first, because they were unsuccessful, and next, because they felt that by adhering to them they were in danger of being charged with Communistic proclivities. Of course others stood ready to foist themselves into favor by championing the working man, and denounced the committee as “a lot of diamond -studdied demagogues who were trying to use the poor working man for their own ends,” and so forth. Of course, these last demagogues claim to be the real Simon pure friend of “the honest toiler,” and have got the honest toiler in hand just now; but it does not appear that his condition has been bettered by the interference of any of them up to the present. Nor does it seem likely that any men or set of men can, either by magic resolves or by paper theories, give relief to the unemployed.
		+	:
		+	: '''HOW FUNDS WERE RAISED.'''
		+	:
		+	: It was generally supposed that [[John H. Keyser]] had been a heavy financial "backer" of the movement in the hands of the united party, as it was known that he had paid some proportion, if not all, of the Cooper Institute meeting expenses. The reporter called upon [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] last night to ascertain the facts, and was informed by him that he had never contributed but $25 to the affair, which was for the defrayal of the gass bill. The hall, he understood, was given free for a "working men’s" mass-meeting. Prior to that time, [[John H. Keyser\|Mr. Keyser]] had contributed to the Howard Relief Association for the relief of the unemployed, and had also instituted a free service of food and soups at his own house for such as chose to partake. This latter patronage grew, in five weeks, from about twenty persons per day to 1,000 at a single meal, and he finally gave up the project of feeding them. The [[Committee of Safety (New York)\|Committee of Safety]] had subsequently applied to him for funds, and he incontinently rejected the application.
		+	:
		+	: '''FUTURE MOVEMENTS.'''
		+	:
		+	: Nothing could be learned as to the future movements or intentions of the united party. A mass-meeting to be held at an early date, if at all, is under consideration, and they intend also to defend, by every means in their power, the persons now in arrest who were captured at the [Wikipedia:Tompkins Square Riot (1874)\|Tompkins square troubles]]. They claim that these persons were entrapped, with the thousands of others who were assembled there, by the authorities as a means of ridding themselves of the demands of the working men by putting their demonstration in a criminal light. They maintain also that the Police rescinded the permission they had given for the meeting at so late an hour of the preceding evening that it was impossible to notify the ward organizations not to assemble: that the right of peaceable public assemblage is a constitutional right, as is also the right of free speech, and that the violence which resulted was wholly initiated by the Police. They say they will exhaust all legal means in their future efforts to exercise those rights, and that—well, if these fail, the people will see to it that they shall have and enjoy these rights and privileges.
		+	:
		+	: Nothing definite could be learned as to the numerical strength of the following of the united party, but the replies from various persons connected with the movement led to the conclusion that in times of thrift, when labor is plentiful, Internationalism, Communism, and the united party would all be likely to lack followers. When working men are in distress they will run after any bell that jingles.

	=== Gotham Center for New York City History ===		=== Gotham Center for New York City History ===

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	C. L. James was born in [[Wikipedia:Baden-Baden\|Baden-Baden]], Germany in 1846, the son of the British writer and diplomat [[Wikipedia:George Payne Rainsford James\|George Payne Rainsford James]]<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174; [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886.</ref> and [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]].<ref>Identity of mother from [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886; name from '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;''' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130.</ref> He was born while his family was on holiday in Germany (to allow George to do research for his ''History of Richard Couer de Lion''<ref>[http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/james/hallbio.html Samuel Carter Hall, "G. P. R. James,"] in ''A Book of Memories of Great Men and Women of the Age, from Personal Acquaintance''. Available online from VictorianWeb.</ref>). In 1850, his father moved with Charles and the rest of his family to the United States, in order to accept a diplomatic post, first in Massachussets, and then, in 1852, in Norfolk, Virginia.<ref>''Ibid.''</ref>		C. L. James was born in [[Wikipedia:Baden-Baden\|Baden-Baden]], Germany in 1846, the son of the British writer and diplomat [[Wikipedia:George Payne Rainsford James\|George Payne Rainsford James]]<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174; [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886.</ref> and [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]].<ref>Identity of mother from [http://query.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20910F73A5410738DDDAA0994D1405B8684F0D3 "Literary Notes"], ''New York Times'', September 13, 1886; name from '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;''' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130.</ref> He was born while his family was on holiday in Germany (to allow George to do research for his ''History of Richard Couer de Lion''<ref>[http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/james/hallbio.html Samuel Carter Hall, "G. P. R. James,"] in ''A Book of Memories of Great Men and Women of the Age, from Personal Acquaintance''. Available online from VictorianWeb.</ref>). In 1850, his father moved with Charles and the rest of his family to the United States, in order to accept a diplomatic post, first in Massachussets, and then, in 1852, in Norfolk, Virginia.<ref>''Ibid.''</ref>

-	When G. P. R. James died abroad in 1860,<ref>''Ibid.''</ref> Charles's widowed mother, [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]], settled in [[Wikipedia:Eau Claire, Wisconsin\|Eau Claire]] along with Charles and his brother George.<ref>From Hilda R. Carter and John R. Jenswold (1976), ''The University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire: A History 1916-1976'', University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire Foundation. 30. [[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref> ~~where he~~ worked as an insurance agent and newspaper editor for the ''Argus'', the ''Alma Weekly Express'' and the ''Eau Claire Free Press''.<ref>'''Insurance agent:''' Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53. '''''Argus'':''' ''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;'' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130. '''''Alma Weekly Express'' and ''Eau Claire Free Press'':''' Ada Tyng Griswold, M.L. (1911), "Annotated Catalogue of Newspaper Files in the Library of The State Historical Society of Wisconsin," Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 295, 321.</ref> He married [[Maria C. James]] in 1874<ref>United States Federal Census. Year: 1900; Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T623_1787; Page: 2B; Enumeration District: 28.</ref>; they had three daughters, [[Victoria James]], [[Blanche James]], and [[Frances James]].<ref>[http://search.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/sse.dll?rank=1&new=1&MSAV=0&msT=1&gss=angs-c&gsfn=C+L&gsln=James&msbdy=1846&msrpn__ftp=Eau+Claire&uidh=pm8&=b%2cr%2cy%2c0&_83004003-n_xcl=f&pcat=35&h=712784&recoff=1+2+3&db=WIstatecen&indiv=1# About C L James], Ancestry.com, ''Wisconsin State Censuses 1895 and 1905'' [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc., 2007.'' '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1910;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T624_1710; Page: 3A; Enumeration District: 0054; Image: 299; FHL Number: 1375723. '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1920;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T625_1984; Page: 10B; Enumeration District: 126; Image: 249.</ref>	+	When G. P. R. James died abroad in 1860,<ref>''Ibid.''</ref> Charles's widowed mother, [[Frances James (mother of C. L. James)\|Frances James]], settled in [[Wikipedia:Eau Claire, Wisconsin\|Eau Claire]] along with Charles and his brother George.<ref>From Hilda R. Carter and John R. Jenswold (1976), ''The University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire: A History 1916-1976'', University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire Foundation. 30. [[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref> In Eau Claire, Charles worked as an insurance agent and newspaper editor for the ''Argus'', the ''Alma Weekly Express'' and the ''Eau Claire Free Press''.<ref>'''Insurance agent:''' Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53. '''''Argus'':''' ''United States Federal Census, Year: 1880;'' Census Place: Eau Claire, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: 1425; Family History Film: 1255425; Page: 398C; Enumeration District: 130. '''''Alma Weekly Express'' and ''Eau Claire Free Press'':''' Ada Tyng Griswold, M.L. (1911), "Annotated Catalogue of Newspaper Files in the Library of The State Historical Society of Wisconsin," Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. 295, 321.</ref> He married [[Maria C. James]] in 1874<ref>United States Federal Census. Year: 1900; Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T623_1787; Page: 2B; Enumeration District: 28.</ref>; they had three daughters, [[Victoria James]], [[Blanche James]], and [[Frances James]].<ref>[http://search.ancestry.com/cgi-bin/sse.dll?rank=1&new=1&MSAV=0&msT=1&gss=angs-c&gsfn=C+L&gsln=James&msbdy=1846&msrpn__ftp=Eau+Claire&uidh=pm8&=b%2cr%2cy%2c0&_83004003-n_xcl=f&pcat=35&h=712784&recoff=1+2+3&db=WIstatecen&indiv=1# About C L James], Ancestry.com, ''Wisconsin State Censuses 1895 and 1905'' [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc., 2007.'' '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1910;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T624_1710; Page: 3A; Enumeration District: 0054; Image: 299; FHL Number: 1375723. '''United States Federal Census, Year: 1920;''' Census Place: Eau Claire Ward 6, Eau Claire, Wisconsin; Roll: T625_1984; Page: 10B; Enumeration District: 126; Image: 249.</ref>

-	~~In Eau Claire,~~ James began writing for newspapers and publishing poems, essays, and pamphlets on [[Wikipedia:Transcendentalism\|Transcendentalist]] philosophy and the emerging [[Wikipedia:free love\|free love]] movement. He joined the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights of Labor]] (for whom he wrote a series of labor song-poems) and served as a city alderman from 1887 to 1888.<ref>Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53.</ref> In 1886, he began issuing a series of pamphlets, articles, and letters defending Anarchist social theory, which he continued throughout his life. He developed a fascination with the works of [[Wikipedia:Thomas Robert Malthus\|Thomas Robert Malthus]], leading to a series of letters and articles defending Malthusian economics as an important source of insight for Anarchist social theory.<ref>See for example [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/07/17/a-plea-for-parson-malthus "A Plea for Parson Malthus"], in ''Liberty'', July 17, 1886, p. 7; [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/08/21/malthus-main-principle "Malthus's 'Main Principle'"], in ''Liberty'' August 21, 1886, p. 7; and [http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/C._L._James__Anarchism_and_Malthus.html "Anarchism and Malthus"]. New York, New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association.</ref> In 1893 James traveled to [[Wikipedia:Chicago, Illinois\|Chicago]] and briefly attended a convention of Anarchists held in parallel with the [[Wikipedia:World's Columbian Exposition\|World's Columbian Exposition]], where he met [[Wikipedia:Voltairine de Cleyre\|Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Wikipedia:Honoré Jaxon\|Honoré Jaxon]].<ref>De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref> For the most part, however, he remained reclusive during his later life, and outside his local community he was little known except through his writing.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref>	+	James began writing for newspapers and publishing poems, essays, and pamphlets on [[Wikipedia:Transcendentalism\|Transcendentalist]] philosophy and the emerging [[Wikipedia:free love\|free love]] movement. He joined the [[Wikipedia:Knights of Labor\|Knights of Labor]] (for whom he wrote a series of labor song-poems) and served as a city alderman from 1887 to 1888.<ref>Clark D. Halker (1991), ''For Democracy, Workers, and God: Labor Song-Poems and Labor Protest, 1865-95''. The Working Class in American History. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-01747-1. 53.</ref> In 1886, he began issuing a series of pamphlets, articles, and letters defending Anarchist social theory, which he continued throughout his life. He developed a fascination with the works of [[Wikipedia:Thomas Robert Malthus\|Thomas Robert Malthus]], leading to a series of letters and articles defending Malthusian economics as an important source of insight for Anarchist social theory.<ref>See for example [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/07/17/a-plea-for-parson-malthus "A Plea for Parson Malthus"], in ''Liberty'', July 17, 1886, p. 7; [http://fair-use.org/liberty/1886/08/21/malthus-main-principle "Malthus's 'Main Principle'"], in ''Liberty'' August 21, 1886, p. 7; and [http://www.theanarchistlibrary.org/HTML/C._L._James__Anarchism_and_Malthus.html "Anarchism and Malthus"]. New York, New York: Mother Earth Publishing Association.</ref> In 1893 James traveled to [[Wikipedia:Chicago, Illinois\|Chicago]] and briefly attended a convention of Anarchists held in parallel with the [[Wikipedia:World's Columbian Exposition\|World's Columbian Exposition]], where he met [[Wikipedia:Voltairine de Cleyre\|Voltairine de Cleyre]] and [[Wikipedia:Honoré Jaxon\|Honoré Jaxon]].<ref>De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref> For the most part, however, he remained reclusive during his later life, and outside his local community he was little known except through his writing.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174.</ref>

	James died in Eau Claire at the age of 65 in 1911. Obituaries and reminiscences in his honor were published by his friends and correspondents in ''[[Wikipedia:Mother Earth (magazine)\|Mother Earth]]''.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174. De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref>		James died in Eau Claire at the age of 65 in 1911. Obituaries and reminiscences in his honor were published by his friends and correspondents in ''[[Wikipedia:Mother Earth (magazine)\|Mother Earth]]''.<ref>[[LibertarianLabyrinth:C. L. James#Obituary\|"C. L. James,"]], ''Mother Earth'' Vol. VI, No. 6 (August, 1911), 172-174. De Cleyre, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/c-l-james "C. L. James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 142-144; Jaxon, [http://fair-use.org/mother-earth/1911/07/a-reminiscence-of-charlie-james "A Reminiscence of Charlie James,"] ''Mother Earth'' (July, 1911), 144-146.</ref>